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My close attention to curatorial and consumption practices reflects this understanding of circulation. While ethnomusicology has long acknowledged that music generates many different forms of sociality, Born argues that music does so while crossing scales, and that its planes of social mediation are not reducible to each other. Music engenders both microsocial formations such as performing ensembles and small listening groups as well as larger imagined communities, while also refracting broader issues of social identity and institutional support Born , , Complex socialities can only be fully understood through paying attention to the multiple modes of mediation involved in the assemblage.

The literature on circulation as an analytical concept informs each chapter of this thesis. Studying circulation entails significant consideration of the socialities generated, the modes of exchange that enact circulation, the material conditions of its existence, and the attempts to stymy, regulate, and inhibit circulation. Studies of music circulation often address the geographic movements of musical forms, styles and objects in light of globalization Fairchild , Jones , Leyshon et al.

Circulation is analytically powerful because it moves beyond conventional critiques of commodity cultures. By framing Spotify and Jekyll as circulatory systems, I attempt to capture the multiple movements and mediations of music. The work of Jonathan Sterne represents some of the most productive and useful work on the creation, history and practice of sonic technologies. Given that streaming services and private BitTorrent trackers exhibit vastly different models of music ownership, both also exist in part within capitalist economies, driving demand for consumer goods such as hard drives, mobile devices and headphones.

Sound recording practices have been a productive site of investigations into the relationships between music and technology: recording technology has afforded transformations in practices of composing, performing and listening to music, and as recording techniques and practices evolve, so does music itself see Ashby ; Chanan ; Cook et al.

While this may be a slightly more timid approach compared to media studies as proposed by Marshall McLuhan, a musicological approach to recording technology reminds the researcher that there is more to technology than its technicity: it is an opening into social, cultural, and musical practices, experiences and meanings. Following a similar logic, Brown and Sellen characterizes digital audio files as less valuable than CDs and describes participation in peer-to-peer file-sharing networks as unsocial; this is contrasted to offline practices of collecting, sharing and listening to physical music formats in collectives, linking the physicality of traditional audio media and face-to- face, authentic interaction.

The practice of collecting music recordings began long before the invention of digital technologies, and multiple scholars have addressed the significant social meanings created by music collectors and their interactions with their record collections Brown and Sellen ; Burkart ; Cunningham, Jones and Jones ; Hennion ; Hodgson ; Jones ; Katz ; Morris ; Straw Furthermore, his prescient recognition of how the mode of acquisition engenders particular dispositions to the collected object shows how the material and experiential conditions of consumption are mutually mediating.

Benjamin also notes the affect invested in the books collected, as well as their personal, cultural and social associations. For example, Tia DeNora speaks to individuals about their record collections towards examining how music is deployed in the shaping of identity. People buy more records than they can listen to. Lastly, new musical instruments and performing utilities based on digital technology have afforded unique modes of creativity and the production of previously unachievable sonic effects Duckworth ; Goodwin However, the use of these tools is not without controversy, ranging from aesthetic preferences for analogue technology to proclamations of the immateriality and inauthenticity of the digital Milner These concerns resemble 23 On the commodification of objects and the sociality of things, see Appadurai ; on music formats and commodification, see Jones ; Manuel ; Marshall ; Morris ; Morris ; Straw This thesis expands on this literature by further examining the blurring of boundaries between consumption, circulation, and production practices, particularly in the curatorial practices detailed in Chapter 6 and 7, as well as the study of circulatory labour in Chapter 8.

Conclusion While far from embodying true methodological consensus, the diverse literatures reviewed in this chapter point to the overarching importance of registering multiple modes of experience, paying close attention to the complexity of the field sites, as well as bringing as many contextual factors to light as possible.

While later chapters will introduce new materials to further specific arguments, here I articulate the key empirical findings of my fieldwork. Jekyll I begin with a reflexive account of my own process of discovering and joining Jekyll. I was struck by the rigour of its regulations, and feared being banned for breaking rules I did not fully understand, and so made little use of the account.

In , while 24 OiNK is discussed further in Chapter 4, due to its central importance in the genealogy of Jekyll. I learned that Jekyll, the largest of the genealogical successors of OiNK, surpassed the total number of albums available on OiNK and drastically redefined and reshaped the private BitTorrent tracker experience. The Jekyll Interview and the Regulation of Access Once receiving approval to begin ethnographic study, I begin the process of obtaining a membership to the tracker. Most private trackers work on an invite system, whereby an established member vouches for the trustworthiness of the invitee.

Jekyll was the first major private tracker to supplement this with an open interview system, allowing unaffiliated individuals access to a dedicated IRC channel to undergo an interview with a senior member of the site. Once logged into the jekyll-interview channel, applicants see a channel entry message explaining the rules and procedures of the interview process.

This early period of participant-observation is one of the most formative periods of my fieldwork, as the interview process offers insight into how Jekyll not only shapes and regulates participation, but also how it constitutes itself as a sociality.

An excerpt from the field notes of my first day of the interview process is replicated below. The interview channel has been quiet, with only sporadic comments, complaints and short conversations observed, along with the sonic notifications a clapping sound of the joining and leaving of applicants.

Over 50 people are in the room, of which at least 35 are idling staff members. No one has been interviewed so far, a fact blamed by several on the early morning time for the primarily American staff, while applicants have identified themselves as coming from Australia, Vietnam, Lithuania, Canada, the United States and England.

At PM, a new applicant, EW, joins the channel. As over fifty individuals are logged in, many newcomers expect a staff member to greet them upon arrival. EW enters the proper command to join the queue and is subsequently silent.

We wait together for several more hours, with no interviews taking place. After five hours of no contact with Jekyll staff, several applicants and I decide to try at a different time. Within a span of minutes, EW transitions from uninformed outsider to an unofficial regulator of the permissible behavior of others. I return to the interview channel for three more days, idling in the queue for twelve hours each time, always remaining near my computer, as I observe that applicants lose their place in the queue if they do not immediately respond to an invitation to interview.

After failing to be interviewed during the first day, I rejoin the channel the following day, prepared to wait indefinitely until interviewed. On the evening of the third day, an interviewer messages me to begin the interview. The structure of the interview itself is byzantine.

Rather, Jekyll is famous for its strict enforcement of rules covering audio formats, bitrates and encoding methods, and the overwhelming majority of questions in the interview relate to audio compression, permitted formats, acceptable procedures for ripping audio from physical media, and detecting poorly encoded audio.

After an additional hour of waiting for my turn to be interviewed, I almost immediately fail the interview, having incorrectly identified the banned WAVE lossless audio format as permitted. I am banned from the channel for 48 hours, but on my second try three days later, I successfully pass the question interview.

After concluding the two-hour long process, I receive an email invitation to register an account with Jekyll and begin participating the following day. For example, applicants are expected to have the target and average bitrates of each preset of the LAME Variable Bit Rate MP3 encoder memorized, an esoteric bit of technical knowledge that appears mostly irrelevant to everyday Jekyll participation.

As reference to notes or online study materials are banned during the interview process, individuals can be failed for not answering quickly, and the decision to accept or reject an interviewee rests solely with the interviewer. I routinely ask informants about their perspectives on the interview process and discuss its purpose in the Jekyll forums.

Anthropological literature on rites of passage suggests that these rituals can be understood pedagogically, in that they convey encultured knowledge, generate social cohesion, enforce the importance of communal belonging, and shape the ideology of new members Kamau ; Maruna Similarly, studies of hazing rituals in fraternities suggest that negative induction experiences — including requiring initiates to wait for extended periods of time before being interviewed — can engender social dependence, tune individual opinions into alignment with group ideology, and enforce the hierarchical social dynamics between group leaders and initiates Keating et al.

Since one of the core functions of the interview process is to regulate the commitment level of those applying to join Jekyll, the difficulty and length of the interview process reduces the number of applications from apathetic, recalcitrant or unprepared individuals. I will later return to the governmentality of Jekyll in Chapter 10, but in the following section, I give an account of the basic experience of participating in the circulation and consumption of music on Jekyll.

Indeed, the design and navigation are clear departures from mainstream file-sharing platforms, in which banner advertisements typically dominate the top portion of the browser window. The Jekyll header as first seen upon account registration. I choose an alternative, minimal white and grey theme, finding the wood planks of the default background distracting. While casual members rarely mention choosing a non-default theme, dedicated Jekyll members almost always hold strong opinions about their preferred theme.

The catalogue is expansive, with most genres of contemporary Western popular music being present in some capacity. Pres popular music, along with music of the Global South, can be found on Jekyll, but are not well-represented areas of the catalogue. As described in the introductory chapter, Jekyll hosts. Participants add these. Yet despite the preeminent importance of the BitTorrent protocol in affording the technical flows of circulation, the everyday experience of Jekyll participation involves relatively little time actively spent within the BitTorrent client itself.

Instead, other popular media collection and playback programs are invariably used by individuals to listen to, organise, and manipulate their personal music collections. This elaboration includes a host of new modes of labour an exchange, as I further address in Chapter 8.

When physically hanging out with informants, observing how they circulate and consume music on Jekyll, I notice how little time is spent looking at seeding and leeching torrents within the BitTorrent client. Advanced search, filter, and sort options afford multiple approaches to viewing and arranging available torrents.

In effect, the ratio system is an informal economy, where each torrent carries a cost based on the file size of the release. For example, if a participant snatches a megabyte album and then seeds megabytes back to the swarm, the resulting user ratio would be 1. New members of Jekyll are subject to a grace period, allowing them to download 5 gigabytes of data before becoming subject to the ratio system requirements.

If this condition is not met, the member loses the ability to snatch new releases until the required ratio is met. The experience of participating in the mandatory ratio system in Jekyll therefore brings a wholly unexpected form of quasi-economic anxiety, one that drives participants constantly to seek out new releases to seed to the tracker. My informants speak anxiously and often about the challenges of the ratio system and the necessity of participating in a calculating and economistic fashion.

In Chapter 8, I address further the nature of this economy and the modes of exchange that it encompasses. One bizarre result of this system, put simply, is that Jekyll participants do not necessarily snatch the music releases that they want.

Popular new releases, if snatched immediately after being uploaded to the tracker, often provide seeders with significantly more buffer than the ratio cost. Uploading new releases is the most important participatory action on Jekyll, a point that is often underemphasized in the literature on file-sharing. Without the investments of labour in uploading via the collective contributions of participants, Jekyll would not exist.

This analysis of circulatory labour in participation is central to my understanding of both Jekyll and Spotify, and is further unpacked in Chapter 8. Uploading on Jekyll speaks to the diversity of processes through which music is introduced into extralegal circulation and also the complex procedures by which music is reconfigured from its commodity forms e. The page that addresses uploading rules is over 15, words long and details the exact regulations regarding permissible source media and encoding methods.

While a dozen different audio formats are technically permitted, four formats are elevated above others as preferable. The other three are variations of MP3s known as , V0 and V2 , and it is clear that FLAC and V0 are the most popular formats because of their putative high audio quality. A representative example of an individual uploading practice here will serve to demonstrate how music enters circulation on Jekyll.

QT does not purchase the majority of his uploaded content. If not yet indexed, he set it aside to be uploaded. The next step was to set the composer, work title, track title, performer s , year of release, record label, album art, and catalogue number fields within the ID3 metadata tags attached to each file properly. These files were then transcoded to the MP3 , V0, and V2 formats. QT then used his BitTorrent client to generate. At the conclusion of this process, the release is considered a completed upload and has entered circulation on Jekyll.

The final major components of the Jekyll torrent site are the Requests and Collages systems. The Requests system is an incentivisation scheme to encourage participants to upload particular releases. In order to create a request, a member must contribute a portion of their buffer to the desired release, which is then awarded to the first person to upload that release.

For instance, if Member A creates a request for a rare James Brown album with a 1GB bounty, and 10 additional members each contribute MB, the bounty for the first upload to fulfill the request is effectively 2GB. As such, it operates somewhere between a marketplace and a suggestion box, in which some participants may fill requests based purely on the demonstration of interest, whereas others may wait until a release is sufficiently incentivized before uploading.

The figures offered here are rounded for the sake of clarity. While torrents are generally grouped together by recording artist elsewhere within the index, Collages allow for any arrangement of torrents to be displayed on a single page. As I explore in Chapter 6, collages are creatively deployed, both individually and collaboratively, for a multitude of musical and archivist purposes.

The vibrancy of these socialities, as well as their intrinsic musicality, is an integral aspect of the experience of Jekyll participation, as using Jekyll inherently entails encountering other participants. As an access-restricted file-sharing service, participants are acutely aware that the music they acquire has been contributed by a specific member of the tracker, as opposed to the more anonymous nature of most alternative file-sharing platforms.

In my early fieldwork in Jekyll, I encountered many affable and helpful members willing to assist newcomers, who complicated my initial findings of the highly governed, competitive, and restrictive nature of the tracker. Similarly, within the highly formalized and rationalized music economy were a number of altruistic participatory practices that I found puzzling.

Much like the torrent economy, individual social practices exist on a spectrum of involvement. I estimate that four thousand Jekyll members represent the most highly involved social participants, while another ten thousand members regularly participate. Involvement is also fluid over time, with most members fluctuating in their level of participation over the multi-year course of my fieldwork.

My first informant, MA, was a core participant in Jekyll communality, having posted tens of thousands of times in the forums, forming dozens of online friendships, and even attending a Jekyll meet up at the popular music festival Bonnaroo with a dozen other highly involved members.

By the end of my fieldwork period, MA no longer socially participated in the site, only infrequently logging in to Jekyll to obtain music. As previously explained, the ratio system of the private tracker model introduces an ersatz currency to encourage circulatory contribution and enforce the necessity of ongoing reciprocity.

The ratio system and user class system work together to incentivize circulatory participation and award symbolic capital for contributions to the torrent economy. User class, understood as a quantified symbolic capital, is thus the defining marker of prestige within Jekyll. Hierarchies permeate all aspects of Jekyll sociality. Not only do higher classes possess incrementally desirable powers, such as access to class-restricted social spaces namely exclusive subforums and IRC channels and greater control over the collaborative musical index, but they are also entitled to the benefits of social status.

Subsequent ascensions are more challenging, requiring significant contributions: users typically do not advance beyond Power User without consciously attempting to reach the next class. In order to more fully understand the nature of Jekyll participation, I set a goal at the outset of fieldwork to reach Power User status within the first three months of joining the tracker. Ascensions in the user class system are based on four criteria, ordered by anticipated difficulty: length of time registered, number of uploaded torrents, total amount of uploaded data, and ratio.

To reach Power User, members only need to upload five torrents, but the total data uploaded 25 GB and ratio requirements. On average, it takes me 45 minutes to complete the uploading process for each release. After uploading five releases, I have acquired less than half of the necessary total data uploaded to ascend to Power User. I begin finding and uploading one new release each day, choosing material I anticipate will be interesting to other Jekyll users.

After a little over a month of uploading, I reach Power User and gain access to new user-class specific privileges. After learning more from informants about the Elite class privileges, especially the ability to participate in the editing projects described in Chapter 6, I commit to uploading several releases a day. Invitations to other private trackers are the most desirable benefit controlled by the user class system on Jekyll and also demonstrate how user class is understood to signify trust within the wider private tracker scene.

This in turn shows how networked Jekyll is with other private trackers, in that prestige is in effect transferrable to access. While some of these other trackers are musical in nature, with specialized trackers in electronic music, live bootleg recordings and audio production, the majority offer other forms of media, such as films, television shows, and computer applications.

Agreements to offer invitations in this manner are negotiated between the administrators of Jekyll and other private trackers. An ethnographic vignette that expresses how prestige crosses over into offline spaces is useful here. One of my key informants texts me that a new friend of his, YK, is an avid music collector and Jekyll participant.

He puts us in touch, and by text YK invites me over to his apartment, where we will listen to music and discuss my research. YK warns me that he had moved cross-country to New Orleans only a few weeks ago, and as such, his apartment was sparely furnished. Upon asking him about the arrangement of an otherwise frugal apartment, YK acknowledges that he had moved only with the contents of a mid-sized sedan, and these large pieces of audio equipment were the main priority when deciding what furnishings to bring.

Furthermore, YK most often acquires music from Jekyll, and listens to these acquisitions on a pair of studio monitors in his bedroom. The record player and audio system are primarily used when entertaining guests, intentionally situated to signal connoisseurship and participation in musical economies, despite these objects being used in only a small part of his personal listening practices. This vignette is powerfully representative of many of the prestige-seeking strategies present within Jekyll.

YK, who considers me a fellow Jekyll participant, presumes that I also am personally interested in high-end audio equipment, and therefore positions our initial meeting around objects he expects I would be impressed by. Jekyll users have cumulatively posted millions of topics in the forums, resulting in an impressively vibrant discursive space.

Staff-User Interaction spaces include boards for staff announcements, where new features, contests, promotions, and other updates are communicated to users. These boards are generally not a space for two-way dialogue between users and staff, as user posts on staff announcements are treated as general comments, not as an ongoing discussion.

Staff-User Interaction boards also include suggestion spaces, where users propose changes to the site, from expansive new functionality to mundane tweaks to the tracker or operating 30 For an in-depth analysis of forum structure and message board norms, see Kendall Site Improvement boards are spaces for users to collaborate on a number of projects to enhance the site addressed in Chapter 10 , from coding new plugins, software packages, and browser extensions to facilitate circulation to identifying issues with the index and organizing user participation to edit metadata to resolve it.

The frequently updated wiki serves as the central repository for all technical and musical literacy deemed important for Jekyll participation, with a particular focus on guidelines for musical submissions. As the forums are the central spaces in which Jekyll's socialities are enacted, the discourses that they contain are largely representative of the social dynamics of Jekyll.

Topics discussed range from intimate personal details to broad discussions of music, politics, philosophy, and technology. While sarcastic comments are not absent from these threads, in general the tone of these discussions is supportive and personable. Indeed, conversations so often become unpleasant, with multiple individuals posting personal insults or otherwise objectionable content, that the forums have become the most heavily moderated section of Jekyll.

Using gendered and racial slurs are the most common reason for warnings, along with personal harassment and arguing with Jekyll staff. While any topic is permitted as long as the threads remains thoughtful and well argued, reflexive accounts of personal music circulation practice is the most common topic of conversation.

Music criticism and aesthetics are also occasionally discussed here, but the majority of musical discourse takes place in the Music Discussion boards addressed in Chapter 6. Due to its intensive moderation, the discursive environment of The Library is notably more civil than other boards. Class-restricted boards are not subject to the majority of Jekyll forum rules and have developed into alternative spaces for discussing topics not permitted elsewhere, such as the previously described Invites subforum.

While this does not characterize the average Jekyll participant, a permissive stance regarding drug usage and legalization is commonplace. This use of a seemingly-outdated technology is closely associated with the genealogy of file-sharing and torrent trackers addressed in Chapter 4 : IRC has been used for and closely linked to P2P file distribution networks since the s, and a surprising number of site functions are designed around the strengths and limitations of IRC channels as a medium for disseminating information.

Many essential site elements, including a channel for users needing assistance recovering their login details, a channel for disabled users seeking to rejoin the site, automated new torrent submission announcements, and the interview system, which is addressed in detail later in this chapter, are handled through IRC.

Although the majority of rules governing acceptable behavior elsewhere in the Jekyll ecology are putatively applicable to IRC, it is common knowledge that the primary discussion channels are less moderated. I regularly observe homophobic and gendered slurs in Jekyll. Users are instructed to report unacceptable behavior by using the! This is not an issue when reporting content on the forum, as reports of abusive behaviour are handled through private messages.

No moderator is available to respond, so my request for moderation goes unheard and the incident is not mentioned again in the channel. Comparing the forums to IRC, the differing standards of governance affect the tenor of the spaces, I point that I return to in Chapter 5. Throughout fieldwork, my IRC client automatically connects to the server any time I am actively on my computer, which results in thousands of hours of idling in my chosen channels.

I participate primarily in the main jekyll channel, but periodically join other channels for discussion and observation, including tech, ambient, indie, and class-restricted channels. Most of my interviews are conducted in private chats on IRC, as I find the flow of semi-structured interviews in this trusted, informal and synchronous medium much more productive than interviews by email, forum PMs, or alternative online messaging platforms.

Spotify After six months of exclusively conducting fieldwork within Jekyll, I begin comparatively studying Spotify. Aside from cursory usage necessary to prepare for fieldwork, I have not used Spotify before. This personal lack of familiarity with the streaming service — its user interface, social customs, and musical affordances — is intended as a method for unpacking the novelty of Spotify music circulation and consumption.

One of the principal challenges of ethnographically portraying a highly popular commercial platform is a tendency to gloss over what amounts to highly significant features and social practices, due to their seeming mundanity. Despite its resemblance to earlier music consumption platforms, Spotify is highly unique, and requires a similar level of ethnographic detail as Jekyll in order to fully account for the new musical practices it engenders.

I adopt Spotify as my primary platform for personal music consumption, beginning first with three months on the Free tier, and then another year and beyond with a Premium subscription. Most of my richest ethnographic materials and informants come from spaces outside of the Spotify application, including informants met through snowball sampling beginning with my key informants.

This is in marked contrast to my early observation of Spotify, which encourages active, focused interaction with the Desktop application. Applications on mobile operating systems i. As such, the Desktop application initially offers the richest materials for documentation and observation. Consuming and Circulating Music on Spotify A first striking observation about the visual design of Spotify's user interface UI is how reminiscent it is of earlier digital music management software, particularly Apple iTunes, but also many extralegal file-sharing applications the genealogy of which I analyse further in Chapter 4.

Spotify UI circa early The sidebar, split into two columns, circa early As new features are introduced and other are deprecated, renamed, or folded into other components of the application, this menu updates to reflect the most current and emphasised features. Once a song has been shared, text comments between the two accounts can be sent back and forth.

However, most users are generally not aware of these advanced search queries, and as such, non-Facebook informants report very little engagement with following or sharing songs with friends. Playlists and Media Management My first interview is with my key offline informant, MF, a 26 year-old farmer, music collector and highly involved Spotify user.

I ask him to explain his understanding of Spotify, and allow him to demonstrate his curation, collection, and social practices. This self-defined library illustrates the organizational labour necessary to assemble a personal collection when opening a new account with Spotify. Playlists are limited to 10, tracks, so MF has a total of 4 library playlists. Drawing from these library playlists, MF curates dozens of playlists intended for particular consumption purposes.

By default, Your Music displays a tiled grid of artist images, rather than the column list format of playlists. Clicking the artist image displays the list of songs or albums saved. For this reason, Your Music is limited to 10, songs, a particularly common complaint among informants. Numerous informants, especially those who consider themselves music collectors, express anxiety over the possibility of losing access to their accounts.

NT, a vinyl collector and former user of Spotify, explains that his decision to abandon Spotify is due to feeling no personal connection to the music he saves to his account. Comparatively, NT finds vinyl records, cassette tapes, MP3 files, and even unlicensed CD copies to possess a greater sense of materiality, and therefore, affords closer aesthetic connections to the work it contains. However, the ephemerality of Spotify is also perceived to afford new approaches to collecting and consuming music.

He begins by listening to a few seconds of dozens of new releases in a single session, saving those that are of interest to a playlist to explore further. Indeed, a number of Spotify informants report using streaming to find new music, supplement existing collections, or simply for listening in moments where other modes of music consumption are less convenient.

One of my early informants, MM, strongly contradicts this finding, as she seamlessly moves between iTunes, Spotify, Pandora, vinyl records, and satellite radio. While Spotify is the primary music consumption platform for MM while at work, her decision-making in other contexts is sometimes due to an affinity for particular playlists or radio stations that are hosted only on one platform.

The multiple practices in which Spotify is integrated into other platforms of music consumption and circulation are some of the most surprising findings of this research, and strongly inform my analysis of polymediality in Chapter 5. In the course of fieldwork, I access the Spotify streaming library from four different countries — the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, and Sweden — and take note of how region affects the streamed library. A personal vignette is of interest here. While on a visit to Spotify headquarters in Sweden, I saved an album to my collection: Just Like the Fambly Cat, a release by indie rock band Grandaddy.

I used an unofficial lookup service to determine the regions in which the album is licensed for Spotify distribution. I contacted Jason Lytle, the songwriter and bandleader of Grandaddy, to inquire why this specific album was held back from distribution in the US, and he responded that he was totally unaware that the record is not available worldwide.

International copyright regulations do lead to a highly complex legal environment, but even copyright holders often find the regional availability of music confusing or incorrect. I encounter examples of differences or exclusion such as this constantly throughout research. Informants using a Windows Phone or Linux frequently complain that the lower priority of their application results in a lesser user experience, missing many of the features and stability of the Android, iOS and Desktop apps.

Despite its popularity with several informants, the project is abandoned after several months and removed from our account without warning in a later software update. However, I quickly recognize that the social spaces of Spotify, unlike Jekyll, do not bear traces of widespread communality. I further contend that Spotify is an individuated platform for music consumption, as its design predominantly shapes listening experiences that are geared towards personalized recommendations, not communal consumption.

Nonetheless, I document several intriguing social practices, both within and outside of the Spotify application. As I address in Chapter 8, the curatorial labour invested in the creation of public playlists in Spotify is quite impressive. Public playlists can be found by searching various keyword types, reflecting differing styles of folk musical taxonomy.

Common terms for naming public playlists include genre titles e. Figure A Soundrop simulisten chat session dedicated to the alternative rock band Filter, with discussion between members of the band and fans. Soundrop, an independent company whose listening rooms are hosted within the Spotify desktop application, offers several dozen genre-specific public listening rooms allowing users simultaneously to listen to and discuss music.

Soundrop rooms also offer opportunities for audiences to co-listen with artists in special listening sessions where artists answer questions about their work with fans. Most public rooms host between ten and three hundred listeners at a given time, and users collaboratively vote on tracks in order to select the next song in the queue.

I observe a limited amount of socialization between users within the public rooms, but it is the private rooms that appear to be the most vibrant social spaces within the Spotify ecology. The Spotify Community serves as a form of frontline customer service, technical support, quality assurance feedback, and market research. The forums are directed by Community Managers — employees who control its social and technical environment. I begin observing the Spotify Community forums as a way into understanding the problems average Spotify users face in their everyday streaming practices.

As the first line of customer support is the Community forums and the crowdsourced knowledge it proffers, thousands of new users join each month to ask questions and receive assistance. The majority of questions involve billing or technical issues, in which roughly 20 different known issues represent well over half of all posts. For instance, the process of registering for the Premium student discount is often confusing for new users. Common technical support issues include problems with local and offline files, mobile apps using excessive amounts of cellular data, and slow loading times when opening the application.

My involvement in the Spotify Community forums evolves into three years of fieldwork, stemming from the richness of participant-observation of the suggestion and requests board, called the 'Idea Exchange', and the relationships I cultivate with some of Spotify's most loyal and knowledgeable customers. I quickly recognize that the forum format appeals most to Spotify's more technically savvy audience, and as such, Community users are not a representative sample of Spotify's publics as a whole.

However, as some of Spotify's most active users, Rock Star users are a useful point of comparison to Jekyll participants. Both engage in a form of labour I call 'circulatory maintenance', as I explore in Chapter 8. Over the course of fieldwork, I cultivate several important informant relationships with these dedicated Spotify users. I also observe numerous genuine social connections between participants, particularly in a chat room established to facilitate discussion between Rock Stars.

This material nuances my analysis of Spotify socialites in Chapter 7, as it demonstrates that the social spaces within the Spotify ecology, despite their simulated nature, can still engender social relationships unmediated by the playlist format. These materials inform my understanding of how Spotify and its users mutually mediate the other, particularly my analysis of product cycles in Chapter 7.

Many of the dozens of feature requests posted to the forum are economically or technically infeasible, such as the frequent request to make Spotify completely free, or to develop applications for highly unpopular platforms. However, others suggest highly inventive potential features. The most common type of request is for Spotify to expand its international scope to countries such as India, Japan a request fulfilled in and China.

While many of these ideas are rejected or do not receive enough community support to warrant an official response, Spotify has implemented several hundred of these requests. In , MS requested a similar feature for repeating individual songs. In a discussion between Spotify CEO Daniel Ek and MS, Ek expressed surprise at how popular the idea became, explaining that Spotify developers did not anticipate how many users desired this feature.

Hundreds of playlists are posted each day in the Music Discussion forums, with a particular focus on discovering and publicizing new releases and emerging artists. As playlists with many followers appear higher in the Spotify app search results, the primary challenge for curating a popular playlist is in attracting the first several hundred followers.

In contrast, others are simply seeking a space to discuss music with other listeners. After encouragement from Spotify staff, several popular playlist curators and musicians join the discussion boards. I also discover that many Spotify Community users listen to a stunning amount of music on Spotify, in some cases as much as fifteen hours a day. It also provides evidence to support my arguments regarding user loyalty in Chapter 10, in that high investments of time in both Jekyll and Spotify translates into particularly loyal and dedicated participants.

Within both field sites, I have outlined the primary musical functions and features of Spotify and Jekyll, beginning my illustration of the basic experience of everyday music consumption on both platforms. I have also drawn out fieldwork materials to support the key arguments of this thesis, which are presented in the following seven chapters.

Within Jekyll, I have demonstrated the complexity and richness of its sociomusical formations, showing that they are closely governed and are animated by music exchange and circulatory labour. For Spotify, I have shown that its socialities, despite being limited and ersatz in nature, are still capable of engendering social connections. I have also put forward evidence to nuance understandings of music consumption and circulation, showing how circulation and consumption have become immanently linked.

The distinct articulations of music consumption and circulation on both platforms represent one of the key points of comparative analysis of the thesis. In the next chapter, I examine the genealogies of digital music circulation, showing how the histories of Spotify and Jekyll are interrelated, and how these factors shape current consumption and circulation practices.

Sockanathan , ; emphasis added In this chapter, I focus on the historical development of digital circulation and file-sharing cultures. The genealogies of the sociomusical assemblages that constitute Jekyll and Spotify are of primary importance to the central arguments of this study. When we speak of evolving extralegal networks of music circulation, or streaming as a new mode of circulation and consumption, to what extent are the specificities of Jekyll and Spotify shaped by their historical predecessors?

The chapter is not intended as a comprehensive history of file-sharing, digital computing, music consumption, or online socialities. First, I present historical context for both platforms, including early file-sharing networks and music subscription services. Following Born, I contend that the way each subject encounters musical-technical objects must be understood in terms of their own personal history as it conditions their subjectivity.

These are typically classified into Napster-like P2P protocols e. In terms of licensed circulation, circulatory historiography often begins with the launch of iTunes in , downplaying its subscription-based and paid-download predecessors Morris My attempt to draw out the precursors in this ecology of circulation aims in part to destabilise assumptions about the primacy, novelty and inevitability of current arrangements.

Within a relational analysis, the innovations and novelty of new media platforms can be studied critically against current and obsolete technologies, illuminating their predecessors and genealogical entanglements Chun The licensed and unlicensed sphere must be seen in light of each other, but also cannot be reduced to one another: their histories converge and depart from one another. I also recognize how music circulation and consumption practices are influenced by individual histories and broader technological genealogies.

The key finding of this chapter is that Jekyll and Spotify, which seem to be absolutely separate, must be understood as defined implicitly in relation to one another. The Furcating Histories of Circulation Scholars of file-sharing and digital circulation have produced a significant body of historical literature that studies these modes of exchange in relation to the development of the internet.

However, as I show throughout this chapter, such models are necessarily incomplete, as they fail to capture the deeper genealogical influences. Most importantly, it fails to show that earlier technologies outside of the named predecessors influence contemporary platforms. In this section, I engage with several of the most relevant of these works, in order to identify the most salient genealogical vectors.

This is an inescapable truth of digital ethnography: the study of digital cultures is inherently the study of data exchange practices. Schwarz suggests that the adoption of technologies of circulation should not be reduced to epochal moments in time—i. However, dating back to the earliest implementations of the World Wide Web, client-server models the technical basis of streaming services such as Spotify were actually commonplace.

Schwarz also attempts to link this history of file-sharing with a consideration of the resulting social shaping of technology. He proposes four ideal types of contemporary file-sharing practice, which influence historical imaginaries of digital music cultures. These types, as reductive as they might seem, give insight into several characteristic types of users in Jekyll and Spotify. I can identify multiple informants for each type who engage in the digital practices that Schwarz attempts to encompass.

Throughout the thesis, examples of informants engaging in rich musical literacies ideal type 1 , free culture advocacies ideal type 2 , prosumer music production ideal type 3 , and user-generated programming projects ideal type 4 proliferate. While not comprehensive, these historically-engendered types do characterise many of the lively sociomusical practices enacted within my field sites.

Schwarz appears to argue that peer-connected data transfer is a Napster-originated phenomenon: it is sequential in audience makeup and infrastructure, and the development of new technologies determines the nature of audience exchange relationships. In response, I rearticulate the central thesis of this chapter: that while Spotify and Jekyll do offer exciting, unique and previously-unseen modes of music consumption, circulation, and access, the broader contours of their music and social practices are thoroughly historically informed.

In the case of Jekyll, music audiences have long exchanged music works, developed hierarchical relationships and ideologies, established markers of prestige, and yet experienced the resulting social formations as deeply beneficial and aesthetically stimulating. His consideration of early book circulation suggests that some of the tensions between legal and extralegal exchange are much older than often assumed by historians of digitality: But a longer historical lens suggests that the current crisis of copyright, piracy, and enforcement has much in common with earlier periods of change and conflict among cultural producers.

From the early days of the book trade in the fifteenth century, cultural markets were shaped by deals within the publishing trade and with political authorities over who could reproduce works and on what terms. OiNk was instrumental in moving extralegal file-sharing away from unregulated and anarchic systems like Napster into access- restricted darknet services.

This early private tracker prefigures the intensely regulated music publics embodied by Jekyll and the private tracker scene, as well as its simulation in the licensed streaming realm via Spotify. Before being shut down by the IFPI in October , OiNk had over , accounts, a user base size that no other private tracker has since reached, although Jekyll has far exceeded OiNk in terms of the total amount of circulated music. Jekyll is widely credited as the immediate successor to OiNk: both its founder and a significant percentage of its original user base were OiNk members, and the site was founded only days after the termination of OiNk itself.

This can be contrasted with the other most impactful protocol system underlying Internet connectivity, DNS: DNS system is distributed yet hierarchical, an example of a technical infrastructure that mixes client-server and peer-to-peer computing concepts to more simply identify resources available on the World Wide Web.

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